Health Promotion - 1598 Words

Three Families and Their Cultures Grand Canyon University: NUR-429V October 11, 2015 Grand Canyon University: lt;Coursegt; America has always been known as the â€Å"melting pot†. Representing the meshing or â€Å"melting† together of cultures in a vast area creating a diverse society. Each culture or ethnic group has traditions and ways of belief that affect their decisions on how they treat illness, disease and health. Cultural values shape human behaviors and determine what individuals will do to maintain their health status, how they will care for themselves, and others who become ill, and where and from whom they will seek health care (Edelman amp; Mandle, 2009, p. 34) Health professionals need to be†¦show more content†¦The next interview was of an Asian American family. This is a military family, the father meet, married and brought back to the United States a 23 year old Vietnamese woman. Family is vital to this Asian American family and respect is expected. Over the years, the mother has adapted to some western ways but maintains certain culture values and passed them on to her children. Diet plays a huge part in their health maintenance and protection. The diet manly consists of rice, vegetables and fish. Along with diet, exercise and staying fit is a big part of their ethnic background. The mother stated to me â€Å"Don’t you see all the Asian ladies at the gym? We take pride in staying fit.† To them their body is a temple and needs to be cared for. Spirituality of mind body and soul is another significant part of their health. Partaking in meditation, massage therapy and acupuncture are ways to rid the body of imbalance and p lace it back in balance to fight illness and diseases. Illness may be attributed to organic or physical problems an imbalance of yin and yang, an obstruction of chi (life energy), a failure to be in harmony with nature, punishment for immoral behavior (in this or past lives), or a curse placed by an offended spirit (Vietnamese Cultural Profile — EthnoMed, n.d.). While this family is westernized in some ways, by going to the doctor andShow MoreRelatedHealth Promotion Model3693 Words   |  15 PagesBreathe Easy: A Health Promotion Model On Asthma Management In School Age (7-11 Year Old) Children Introduction Health is the state of complete physical, mental and social well-being, not merely the absence of disease or infirmity (from WHO, 1946, in Park, 2005) and Health Promotion has been defined as an enterprise involving the development over time, in individuals and communities, of basic and positive states of and conditions for physical, mental and social health (Raeburn and Rootman, 1998Read MoreEssay on Health Promotion Teaching Plan1307 Words   |  6 Pagesï » ¿ Health Promotion Teaching Plan Anita Moore Jacksonville University School of Nursing June 17, 2012 Health Promotion Teaching Plan My emphasis in this assignment is to develop, implement, and assess a teaching plan concentrated on good nutrition and daily exercise for school age children. The early years are a critical time for founding good eating habits and attitude about food and exercise. Children who areRead MoreRole of the Nurse in Health Promotion Essay2161 Words   |  9 PagesIntroduction Health promotion includes providing activities that improve a person’s health. These activities assist patients to â€Å"maintain or enhance their present levels of health. Health promotion activities motivate people to act positively to reach more stable levels of health† (Potter Perry, 2005, p. 97). In order for nurses to assist patients in obtaining healthy lifestyles, they must first assess a patient’s perception of health. The World Health Organization defines health as a â€Å"state ofRead MoreHealth Promotion Model And Theories Of Social Cognitive Theory Essay728 Words   |  3 PagesHealth Promotion Model and Theories Social Cognitive Theory, Health Belief Model, and Transtheoretical Model of Behavior Change are the three models I chose to discuss. An electronic database searched was completed. Three articles were chosen to summarize and discuss each of the above models. Social Cognitive Theory The article by Son et al. (2011) studies the effect of social cognitive factors among middle-aged and older adults’ leisure-time physical activity (LTPA) participation. The socialRead MoreTheories of Health Promotion2264 Words   |  10 Pagesof Health Promotion The following essay is a comparative analysis of two theories of health promotion, one which is a theory of and the other a theory for health promotion. Beattie’s model will be used as theory of and transtheoritical stages of change model as a theory for health promotion. An example from area of work practice will be used to demonstrate the differing aspects emphasised by each Theory. Furthermore the essay will seek to suggest an explanation of current health promotion. ThisRead MoreHealth Promotion3162 Words   |  13 Pageswill demonstrate knowledge of health promotion and its link in addressing health needs. The role of the nurse in delivering health promotion at primary, secondary and tertiary levels will be discussed and how national policy influences that delivery on the chosen topic of smoking. Barriers to health promotion will also be discussed and how these barriers could be overcome. To define health promotion, health should first be defined. There are many definitions of health, one of which is the WesternRead MoreHealth Promotion1025 Words   |  5 PagesLevels of Health Promotion Health promotion is essential in keeping society and individuals healthy. Health promotion empowers communities and individuals for healthy living through education. The primary goal of health promotion is prevention. Nurses are key in health promotion and will be seen in diverse settings as health promotion evolves the nursing profession. There are three levels to health promotion that are utilized to optimize health. Definition of Health Promotion The World OrganizationRead MoreHealth Promotion1008 Words   |  5 PagesLevels of Health Promotion Health promotion is essential in keeping society and individuals healthy. Health promotion empowers communities and individuals for healthy living through education. The primary goal of health promotion is prevention. Nurses are key in health promotion and will be seen in diverse settings as health promotion evolves the nursing profession. There are three levels to health promotion that are utilized to optimize health. Definition of Health Promotion The World OrganizationRead MoreHealth Promotion793 Words   |  4 Pagesnow shifted to health promotion. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines health promotion as the â€Å"process of enabling people to increase control over, and to improve, their health. It moves beyond a focus on individual behavior towards a wide range of social and environmental interventions.† Health promotion focuses on changes to a community as well as an individuals health by modifying their behaviors to strive for optimal health, which The American Journal of Health Promotion defines as beingRead MoreHealth Promotion975 Words   |  4 PagesHealth Promotion Health promotion is defined as the provision of information and/or education to individuals, families and communities that encourage family unity, community commitment, and traditional spiritually that makes positive contributions to their health status (Definition of wellness.Com). It is our job as providers to promote health by any means necessary to improve community wellness. The purpose of health promotion in nursing practice is to deliver health information to individuals

Correlations Between Population and Pollution - 993 Words

In the last 100 years, population grew in a rapid speed. In a short period, population reached 7 billion. Population growth means growth in consumption, especially in terms of food. Even though the amount of farmlands where we can cultivate is decreasing, the amounts of people eating the foods are increasing. This allows various substitute goods to be produced more than before in order for the increased population to eat. As these goods have to be produced a lot, industry develops. Factories have to develop. Development of factories leads to air pollution. Not only population growth affects the air pollution but also the drift of population does, too. As population grows, the movement of population increases. This leads to increase in goods movement resulting in air pollution. Like this, population growth affects air pollution. In order to solve air pollution, science is applied such as developing renewable energy. Nowadays, there are solar powered cars, heating, etc. These things do n’t emit greenhouse gases. The development of renewable energy will solve the air pollution caused from population growth. NASA scientists performed an experiment to examine how the amount of pollution is influenced by the population density in countries with huge population. They were researching about how burning fossil fuels affect the amount of nitrogen dioxide emmision. â€Å"Air Pollution has direct relationship with population density.† (NASA) The amount of waste created by less population andShow MoreRelatedHow Does Light Intensity Influence The Population Distribution Of Small Shrub Species Such As Chamomile Sunray?1313 Words   |  6 PagesQuestion : How does light intensity influence the population distribution of small shrub species such as Chamomile sunray? 2. Observation: Lichen was noticed to be growing on the Callistenom rugulosus (Scarlet bottlebrushes) which were located near a road, however, they were not noticed to be growing on scarlet bottlebrushes which were located away from the road. Shrub near a road exposed to more air pollution. Question: How does the increase in air pollution near roads influence the abundance of lichenRead MoreThe Development Of The World Population1528 Words   |  7 Pagesthe development of the world population directly depends on the mode of social production, especially the level of development of productive forces. In the history, mankind got the tremendous progress in productivity often with the population rapid develop. In the primitive society, the primitive society s population birth rate and the mortality rate all maintained at about 50% because of the objective law and the social production mode. The number of the population maintain in a state of high birthRead MoreEssay on Harmful Effect of Air Pollution on Pregnancy813 Words   |  4 PagesThe Effects of Air Pollution on Pregnancy Air pollution can be undoubtedly harmful to pregnancy. Substances such as carbon monoxide, ozone, nitrogen dioxide, benzene, emissions from solid biomass, and nitroarenes all contribute to air pollution. Studies done in North Carolina, California, and East India all conclude the same thing; air pollutants do affect the health of babies during pregnancy. The most severe affects from these toxins include cancer, short-and-long-term morbidity, and stillbirthRead MoreThe Effects Of Air Pollution On Infant Health1468 Words   |  6 Pagesimpact that air pollution has on infant health. The authors used data from New Jersey in the 1990s as the focus case to explore the answer to the question. This question is important because air pollution could have inflicted irreversible changes to the health and well-being of the next generation. The long-term changes to health could have important implications to the future of the world. Xing and Kolstad conducted a study to determine the relationship between the laxitiesRead MoreAssociation between Air Polluiton and Lung Cancer761 Words   |  3 Pagesstudies have found an association between ambient air pollution and lung cancer. This evidence lead the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) to report air pollution as a category 1 or definite cause of cancer. The IARC reviewed over 1000 studies from five continents and covering many different scientific fields. They concluded that air pollution is linked to increased cancer incidence, with lung cancer being the most prevalent (Pope, 2013). Air pollution occurs when the air is contaminatedRead MoreEssay on Relationships between Asthma and Air Pollution1672 Words   |  7 PagesRelationships between Asthma and Air Pollution Professor’s comment: This student’s research paper synthesizes the results of a well-selected group of articles that explore relationships between asthma and air pollution. That laboratory science is at base a social enterprise is nicely exemplified by the focus of the studies she reviews. In drawing from the articles she reviews and in organizing her paper, the student maintains a good balance between discussing air-borne pollutants themselvesRead MoreThe Arctic Circle Lies At The Northernmost Point Of The Earth1687 Words   |  7 Pagesspheres of physical environment afford us the framework in which to compare these two countries and their peoples. First I would like to examine the lithosphere for comparison between Greenland and Finland. The lithosphere is the solid layer of the Earth, otherwise known as the crust. The most notable difference between Finland and Greenland in regards to their lithospheres is that Finland is part of the Baltic Shield and shaped like a summer squash. Whereas Greenland is an island and shaped likeRead MoreSt Mary Spital Analysis1610 Words   |  7 Pagesevaluating the data in a wider context, details were learned about the daily life of Medieval London and the relationship between migrating and living in an urban environment reflects on health. The consistency in the recording of data allowed for minimal variation in results over the observation of the 5387 individuals. The detailed inclusion of data will allow for future comparison between data sets and there is a possibility to evaluate grave goods in conjunction with stable isotope analysis to evaluateRead MoreReview Of Related Literature I nvolving The Robustness Of The Environmental Kuznets Curve1080 Words   |  5 PagesCurve. This economic theory discusses the relationship turning point of environmental degradation with respect to economic growth. The hypothesis was introduced by Grossman and Kreuger who developed a reduced-form approach to embody the linear correlation of economic growth to environmental quality. Further studies have tested and enhanced this theory by tweaking either or both sides of the equation. Environmental degradation and economic growth are represented by subjective indicators which areRead MoreEnvironmental Global Health : A Social Science Point Of View1492 Words   |  6 Pagesinterpersonal, and individual level. â€Å"According to WHO estimates, climate change will cause an additional 250,000 deaths per year between 2030 and 2050†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Skolnik 2016: 100). It is important to have an anthropologist study the effects environmental health from a social science point of view. Anthr opologist have the training to study the consequences of climate change on the population and upon understanding the cause they can implement ways that communities can cope with the environmental changes or change

American History 1941 to Present Mormon Fundamentalists Free Essays

The Mormon presence in America has been historically influential to the nation, but is often overlooked or understated in non-Mormon institutions despite the fact their existence dates back to 1823. Under the Banner of Heaven: A Story of Violent Faith by Jon Krakauer is a non-fiction historical account of the Mormon religion, from its birth under the prophet Joseph Smith, to present times with the polygamy practicing fundamentalists and the milder mainstream Latter Day Saint church existing with identical core beliefs, but on opposite sides of the spectrum in terms of practices. The section of the book regarding the extreme fundamentalists, their history, and their current practices was an interesting look into a very different way of life. We will write a custom essay sample on American History 1941 to Present Mormon Fundamentalists or any similar topic only for you Order Now The split in the Mormon Church presented itself when the principle of polygamy was retracted by the prophet Wilford Woodruff. Those that accepted this revelation are the mass that is now called The Church of Latter Day Saints. Those that felt the church only banned polygamy to try and gain acceptance by the United States government still felt that it was a divine principle necessary for getting into heaven, and scattered to secluded areas across the North American continent to practice their lifestyle. Several factions of Mormon extremists exist in Canada, the United States, and Mexico. The primary reason that so many factions exist is based on one of the basic building blocks of the church. All Mormons followers have a close relationship with God and are able to speak with him. The laws of the church can change as the prophets receive their revelations. Essentially, anyone can declare themselves a prophet, and anyone can receive a revelation. As self proclaimed prophets received divine revelations they would take a group of followers and establish their own settlement to reproduce more members. The most well known of these factions if the Fundamentalist Latter Day Saints (FLDS) with approximately 10,000 members located in Colorado City, Arizona and Hildale, Utah. The FLDS territory, formerly known as Short Creek, was founded by John Y. Barlow to preserve the sanctity of polygamy. After Barlow’s death Joseph Musser was the next prophet in line of succession. He presided over the sect during the Short Creek Raid of 1953 when Arizona state police officers and the National Guard invaded the compound and arrested every member of the church, regardless of age or gender. Leroy Johnson, or â€Å"Uncle Roy† as he was affectionately called, led the sect from 1954 to 1986. After the death of Johnson in 1986 Rulon Jeffs, also called â€Å"Uncle Rulon† took over as prophet. Uncle Rulon was thought to be â€Å"the one mighty and strong† that would live forever, rule at the end of days, and carry the church to eternal salvation as stated by the book of Mormon. This considered it was a shock to the FLDS community when Uncle Rulon died in 2002 at the age of 92. Warren Jeffs, one of Rulon’s sons out of an estimated 60-65 children fathered by the late prophet, assumed leadership after his father’s death. He ruled by fear and tyranny. Under his term, the number of young boys thrown out of the church for minor infractions increased exponentially. These â€Å"Lost Boys† would be kicked out for violations such as having a crush on a girl, or wearing a shirt with sleeves that were too short, or if the prophet just decided to deem them unworthy. A church member then drives the teenage boys out of town and dumps them off at the side of the road with no food, money, or place to go. Jeffs started kicking out boys in droves so that he could assign more young girls in the community to middle aged men, including him. He decided that all pets and animals in the compound should be killed, banned children from going to public school, and forbade medical treatment to ailing church members. The FLDS is currently under the leadership of an unknown prophet after Jeffs was sentenced on November 20, 2007 to 10 years to life in the Utah State Prison on charges of sexual conduct with minors and rape as an accomplice. To this day in Colorado City it is common for cousins, stepfathers and stepdaughters, non-biological uncles and nieces, or fathers and adopted children to marry. Incestuous relationships have caused an unusually high rate of birth defects. Three wives is the minimum for a man to receive the highest level of salvation in the afterlife. The first marriage is considered legal by law. All marriages after are â€Å"celestial marriages† only recognized by the FLDS. The women bound to men by celestial marriage are able to collect welfare for all of their kids because they are single parents. This practice is called â€Å"bleeding the beast† and is encouraged among members. The rules of dress are strictly adhered to: men wear long sleeved shirts and pants in all seasons and women wear ankle length long sleeved dresses. Both sexes clothing is very plain and they must wear long underwear at all times. Under the Banner of Heaven was unbiased and fact based. Krakauer included personal accounts of stories of the religious fanaticism that has led to practices in the FLDS that range from horrifying to intriguing. It was difficult to imagine the level of strength and conviction that motivates members to live out their everyday lives in this community. Krakauer was able to deliver these stories and the historical statistics behind them in a non-judgmental or opinionated manner, which gives the book a genuine and legitimate base. He does not come off as a religion hater or Mormon racist that is condemning the choices made by the prophets or the people. The historical account of the Mormon religion as a whole was detailed and deliberate, which was helpful in understanding how one religion ended up existing in such a multitude of diverse sects. It was an experience to be introduced to a different view of American history; one that is definitely not discussed in the standard textbooks. References Krakauer, Jon (2004). Under the Banner of Heaven, A Story of Violent Faith. New York: Random House, Inc.. How to cite American History 1941 to Present Mormon Fundamentalists, Papers

Wonderful Fool Essay Example For Students

Wonderful Fool Essay In order for one to surpass the role of a fool and be unique in the book Wonderful Fool, written by Shusaku Endo, one must be honest, generous and not retaliate with violence whenever they are attacked mentally and physically. Gaston, a traveling Frenchman that is obsessed with Japan is the only character which surpasses the role of a fool. Gastons characteristics compromises more than a regular fool that is evident in other characters in the book, and he surpasses the attitude of a fool. He is portrayed as an innocent, redemptive and even Christ-liked figure. Gaston though, seems never to be bothered by his surroundings, which is completely new to him and can cause him or his companions to be in a tough and stressful situation. Gaston is a person who doesnt believe in violence. When Endo who Gaston accompanied, tried to assault him physically, he did not respond to Endo in a way of violence. Gastons open heart and willingness to help others made people to find understanding and sympathy in him. Gaston, who is a foreigner and had no sense on direction in the journey around Japan, was helped by his attitude of non-violence. He gained food and accommodation for his willingness to help and kindness towards other people. The current situation he is facing seems to go against him, as he is often embarrassed, laughed at and gets treated differently being a foreigner. Gaston can be called a fool in situations like these, for example when he entered a Japanese eatery with Tomoe and Takamori. He acts like an idiot that is not aware of the trouble he can potentially face and the consequences it brings. But, what makes Gaston surpasses the terms of a fool in these situations is that instead of revenge, he takes it as a n experience and does not fight back to people that mock him. Gaston never discriminates a person and treat them differently than others. He treats every person, ranging from the ones who are nice to him such as Takamori, to ones that get annoyed with him, such as Tomoe and Endo the character equally. Gaston treats them with kindness and respect. He never gets mad at Tomoe and Endo, even though they both were bothered by Gastons foolishness. Gaston also has a characteristic of trusting any person he met along the way in Japan, such as trusting the Sensei in Shibuya for a nights accommodation and fortune telling. Even though Endo the character was harsh on him, he was able to trust others even when they have deceived or betrayed him. This shows how Gaston is a man that is open-minded and carefree. He does not regret his actions; all he cares is to assist people in need, which makes him more than an idiotic fool. Gaston is a very honest person that will express his opinions and feelings. Although the trait is of honesty exists in every human, Gaston resembles it differently. He expresses his opinions whenever he can and does not think the consequences of his expression. But, due to the limited knowledge of Japanese that Gaston has, it sometimes creates a sense of misinterpretation, such as when he expressed his love in Tomoe in a non-affectionate way, which was misunderstood by Tomoe. Tomoe thought love that was expressed by Gaston as affection for her. But, as stated by Gaston earlier in the book when he met the gangsters In Shibuya, he considers everybody as his friend and treats everybody equally. While Gaston was foolish enough to express his feelings verbally without considering how would it impact the receiver of the message, he always sacrifices himself for others and do it with honesty. Gaston also wont ask anything in return for his actions; even a simple Japanese dish called Oden wa s enough for him for saving a prostitute from danger. His honesty and sacrifice supports the idea that Gaston is portrayed as Christ-like. .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a , .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a .postImageUrl , .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a , .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a:hover , .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a:visited , .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a:active { border:0!important; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a:active , .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u8920f871fa01b713492fcfe0719ff38a:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Anna Karenina EssayIn conclusion, Gaston indeed acts like a fool in the book. He is blinded in society and facing changes as he travels around Japan and meets different people along the way. Gastons opinions are often ignored, but he overcomes peoples attitude towards him by being kind, honest, trust and honesty. Gastons treatment towards people is the factor the made him resembles the Christ and surpassing the position of a fool.

10 Fun Facts About Northeastern

Northeastern University is located in the heart of Boston, MA - one of the most popular college towns in the U.S. Apart from its popular college location and vibrant student life, what do you know about Northeastern? If the answer is nothing, you’ll love these 10 fun facts! 1. Northeastern was originally called the Evening Institute of Young Men, and was founded in association with YMCA in 1898. 2. Originally a cross-country team tradition, the Underwear Run is now a college tradition that takes place every Parent’s Weekend. Coincidence? We think not. 3.Northeastern’s Co-op (Cooperative Education) Program attracts many applicants to apply. Not only is it one of the most popular programs, Northeastern was actually one of the first schools to instill such a program in 1909.4. Home to the Northeastern Huskies, Matthews Arena is the oldest hockey arena in the world. 5. Biz Stone, one of Twitter’s co-founder, attended Northeastern to study Arts but dropped out. 6. Even though the Northeastern Huskies have never won the NCAA tournament, they have produced NBA players like Reggie Lewis and J.J. Barea. 7. Shawn Fanning founded Napster at Northeastern and dropped out in 1999. 8.Northeastern’s Cabot Center is an indoor athletic avenue that was rebuilt on the Huntington Avenue Grounds, which was where the first World Series was held. There is a plaque that marks the spot on where the left field foul line used to be. 9. Wendy Williams attended Northeastern University and graduated with a B.A. in Communications in 1986. 10.The Northeastern’s Snell Library has over 1 millions visitors each year. Are you looking to apply toNortheastern? Make sure to search through profiles of students accepted to see essays, stats, and advice. See how they got in, and how you can too!

Sonic Slippage Project

Sonic Slippage Project Sonic Slippage project of re-making videos and adding new musical and spatial dimensions introduces new trends and perspectives in perception of image and sound. The main idea of reinvented experimental videos is to rely on unconventional combinations of sound, image, colors, and silence.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Sonic Slippage Project specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Various synergies of the enumerated components create distorted perceptions and sights of new media demonstration. Thus, the films under analysis reproduce new aesthetic dimensions and forms to engage into a new understanding of the purpose of filming. The short movie called Lossless #2 by Baron and Goodwin reproduces an interesting mixture of compressed digital image of another movie called Meshes of the Afternoon. While looking at the video, attention should be given to the way the distorted objects are accompanied by unusual sounds, which coul d not even called music. Indeed, the synergy of sounds and digital information provoke unusual and abrupt emotions, which differ from those when you watch a traditional video. New media characteristics of the movie provide a new materialistic dimension by means of digital disruption and removal of certain scenes. Though the plot of the movie is not understandable, it still attracts attention and makes the audience concentrate on making sense of the watched. Distortion of images and unusual submerge of two visual dimensions is represented in the video called Lilith. The film illustrates a complex unity of voice, mobile objects and silence. Special effects are also introduced to endow the picture with a new meaning. In particular, the author depicts a close confrontation between nature and technology, as well as what could happen if both collide. Apart from topic considerations, Lilith also demonstrates new approaches to depicting objects whose flexible nature influences the perceptio n of spatial dimension. Once again, the unusual application of media devices creates a new pattern of transformation experienced through synchronic distortion of video and audio channels. Both – Film #3: Interwoven and Looking for Mushrooms – experiment on combinations between colors, image, and sounds. In particular, Interwoven reproduces simplistic duet of music and colorful figure movements. The emerging figures move to the music and vice versa and, therefore, it is often hard which media device dominates in the movie.Advertising Looking for essay on art and design? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More In contrast, Looking for Mushrooms prioritizes the importance of music patterns and their influence on visual patterns. The point is that video images are almost identical, but they might acquire different meaning while being accompanied by various sounds. At the end of the movie, five musical frames are co mbined to create a continuous projection of both sound and images. While watching the movie Looking for Mushrooms, the sound patterns were especially intense in the middle of the plot. The sound of music pattern enhanced the depressed atmosphere of the images that quickly replace on another. In addition, Looking for Mushroom also rely on the play of colors in combination with music, which also creates a psychedelic atmosphere while watching. In conclusion, the experimental films under consideration do not adhere to traditional presentation of ideas, meanings, and fact. Their primary function is to emphasize how the connection of sound, silence, and distorted image creates a new perceptual dimension. Assemblage of music patterns engaged into speechless objects, as well as distorted images, contributes to creating new aesthetical meaning of media development. The emerged dissonance calls for the rejection of consistency and conventionalism of image and voice.

Mrs. Fields' Cookies Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Mrs. Fields' Cookies - Case Study Example Although in the early years, the concentration was rigid on the product lining of the company to market only the cookies, in the later years, with the improvement in the performance, the company started marketing ice-creams and other baked products along with cookies in 14 unparallel flavors and varieties. Incidentally, the company emerged as one of the major players in the sweet snack industry. The company in this virtue expanded its operations in different parts of Japan, Hong Kong and Australia. It was during 1987 when the company initiated the acquisition of a France based bakery and/or sandwich store named as La Petite Boulangerie (LPB). LPB during the period was operating through almost 119 stores scattered in every nook and corner of the country under the corporate head of PepsiCo (Harvard Business School, â€Å"Mrs. Fields' Cookies†). Fields’ Initial Actions upon Acquiring LPB The dimensions of LPB in terms of both product lining and organizational structure wer e largely different from that of Mrs. Fields’, Inc during the period. Therefore, it was quite likely that in the realistic practices both the companies will have unparallel values and objectives as well. In this regard, to transform the objectives and the vision of LPB in order to be similar as that of Mrs. Fields’, certain major changes were enforced which brought about drastic changes in the managerial outlook of the company. For instance, LPB associated more than 53 administrative staffs to control its outlets through various departments from marketing and sales to Research & Development (R&D). But as a result of the acquisition, the number of administrative staffs was reduced to only three as Mrs. Fields’ took control of the overhead functions of LPB, such as the finance department, the human resources department and others. Only the operations and the R&D department were left unchanged (Harvard Business School, â€Å"Mrs. Fields' Cookies†). Reasons t o Initiate These Actions According to Randy Fields, the acquisition was enforced as an expansion tactic due to the fact that LPB dealt with both cookies and various other bakery products to the upscale customers through sit-down cafes. However, as stated by the founders the strategy represented something extra than just expansion, which was treated to be new concept for Mrs. Fields’. It was due to this reason that the stores of Mrs. Fields’ after the acquisition went through a change process in order to obtain a new outlook of a combination store. This combination store thereby would serve both cookies and other bakery products along with ice-creams and deserts. Another reason to attempt the strategic decision of acquiring LPB was the belief of Randy. According to Randy’s perception, Mrs. Fields’ stores were running so vividly that any thing which adapted the brand name would perform well in the targeted market. Consequently, the then market analysis also depicted that the popularity of the quality baked products are somewhat resistant to the economic fluctuations. This in turn encouraged the founders to undertake the risk of acquisition and reformation. The in-depth cause of acquiring LPB was to incur a larger profit than Mrs. Fields’ could gain separately (Harvard Business

Pyschology Cast study assignment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Pyschology Cast study assignment - Essay Example (Plante, 2005: 63). They believe in themselves, but their perception of their own self image is also affected by the feedback from others. In Steven’s case, his father’s constant criticism and ridicule in childhood, coupled with a lack of the father’s love, time, care and support may have threatened Steven’s image of himself as a strong person and a real â€Å"male†, thereby affecting his self esteem. In effect, his father’s behavior was tantamount to rejection of Steve, especially when he failed to sympathize with Steve when he was bullied, further eroding Steve’s self image as a male through a failure to identify with the only male he knew as a child. This has only been compounded by his mother’s attitude to him. Abnormal behavior may arise when the spectrum of basic needs that an individual has, such as air, water, food, love, belonging and self actualization, are not satisfied. (Simson and Strauss, 2003: 178). Steven’s mother was too affectionate to her son, so when she abruptly refused to let Steve into her bed, it appears likely that the boy would have perceived this also as a rejection. The causal act leading to the rejection was his masturbation, but he is unable to control this, thus placing him in a position where masturbation in the presence of a real woman appears wrong – leading to feelings of anxiety and guilt, with an impairment in his sexual function, as evidenced in his failure to perform with his girlfriend. Steven’s anger at his mother for ‘rejecting’ him is expressed in his anger against women, and the only time he is able to allow his sexuality to thrive without associat ed feelings of guilt, is when he sees celluloid women being hurt and violated because this makes him feel powerful. The feelings of depression Steven has been suffering from can thus be attributed to the conflict between his self worth and the reality of his parents’ ‘rejection’, which has produced feelings of anxiety and

Documenting the Media Revolution Research Paper - 1

Documenting the Media Revolution - Research Paper Example However, the advent of the computer era and the development of various electronic based gadgets have allowed man to finally come up with an alternative to print media. I speak of the eBook readers that come bundled with most of our smartphones and tablet PC's. This paper will take a look into the history of the eBook, what gadgets existed prior to the advent of the modern day eBook reader, and how the technology has made reading a more interactive activity these days. eBooks first appeared on the market back in 1998. The precursor of today's readers were the Softbook and Gemstar Rocket eBook Reader. These particular readers did not easily catch on at the time since most people were still adapting to the internet and paperless era so very little attention if any were actually paid to the launch of these readers. However, the year 2000 launch of Stephen King's horror novel Ride the bullet in pure eBook format called attention to the up and coming technology. By 2003, eBooks and readers were still trying to break into the market as paper books still remain the traditional favorite. by July, Gemstar is merely a footnote in the history of the readers while Barnes and Noble pulls out eBooks from their stores. Critics then begin to predict the beginning of the end for the digital reader format. But the technology gains a new life with the advent of the Sony Librie which is a marked improvement upon its predecessors since it now uses electronic ink and has managed to reduce the backlight glare thus allowing the reader to show the same type of actual ink quality for the reader. By 2007, the Kindle is released and everyone now knows that the eBook reader is here to stay. From that point on other ebook reader devices such as the Nook come into market play. (Kozlowski, Michael â€Å"A Brief History of eBooks†). Even print book manufacturers cannot help but acknowledge that the eBook is fast edging out its physical format competitor in terms of book sales. According to research done by the Pew Research Center: The population of e-book readers is growing. In the past year, the number of those who read e-books increased from 16% of all Americans ages 16 and older to 23%. At the same time, the number of those who read printed books in the previous 12 months fell from 72% of the population ages 16 and older to 67%. (Rainie, Lee & Duggan Maeve â€Å"E-Book Reading Jumps; Print Book Reading Declines†) If one were to think about it, the rise of the eBook reader was actually something that was going to happen eventually. Our society is fast becoming a very tech savvy, gadget obsessed group that is constantly on the look out for the next big gadget that can make their lives easier. In this case, the eBook reader came across at just the right time. People were already conditioned to reading newspapers and other material via the internet and through their computer screens that using the eBook reader was not something that people feared anymore. The technology also found itself vastly improved thanks to the constantly evolving structure of the laptops as well. Newspapers and book publishers acknowledged the fact that there was more money for them to make through the electronic publication of their newspapers and books, so it is easy to surmise that the publishing sector also had a direct hand in the decision of their subscribers to switch to the eBook version of their reading material. (Fowler, Geoffrey & Baca, Marie â€Å"The ABC's of E-Reading). One reason that people are

Dynamics of Nuclear Disarmament Multilateral Negotiations

Dynamics of Nuclear Disarmament Multilateral Negotiations I. Introduction In 1957, Henry Kissinger aptly wrote that ‘ever since the end of the Second World War brought us not the peace we sought so earnestly, but an uneasy armistice, we have responded by what can best be described as a flight into technology: by devising ever more fearful weapons. The more powerful the weapons, however, the greater become the reluctance to use them. [1] He referred to the nuclear weapons as a powerful device that deters superpowers from major conflicts. His vision proved to be true, albeit difficult process of negotiations on nuclear disarmament throughout the Cold War period and beyond. Henceforth, common reluctance to use these deadly arsenals does not necessarily stop powerful states from acquiring them up to a certain deterrent level. Instead, nuclear weapons are even proliferated and technically perfected, and this, in my view, is the most striking dilemma and serves as the paradox of nuclear weapons. The year 2010 will be a very critical year for multilateral negotiation and talks on nuclear arms control and nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), [2] since the future of NPT and the progress and implementation of each of its article will be assessed through its five-yearly Review mechanism.[3] In particular, what it makes more crucial and fascinating is the promise made by US President Barack Obama on potential reduction of nuclear weapons. In his policy statement delivered in Prague, April 5th, 2009, President Barack Obama has made it very clear that he envisioned ‘a world that is free from nuclear weapons.'[4] Five months later, pouring all influence, persuasion and personal charms, President Obama chaired a meeting of the UN Security Council, which unanimously supported his vision. President Obamas initiative and political will his administration is willing to invest to build a critical mass and new thrust needed to move the troubled NPT in the next Review Conference in 2010. Yet, one must be well aware that reviving the NPT requires more than just rhetoric. One of the main articles of NPT, Article VI, clearly stipulates that the nuclear weapons states parties to the Treaty are under obligation to negotiate in good faith a nuclear weapons disarmament treaty under strict and effective international control at the earliest possible date.[5] Unfortunately, the sole multilateral negotiating forum entrusted to negotiate nuclear disarmament treaty, the UN Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, has failed to start the negotiations ever since it managed to conclude painstakingly the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). At this point, one important question to ask is whether or not the international community should see President Obamas recent drive to revive the negotiation of the reduction of US Russia nuclear arsenals as an integral part of this long-term vision—a world that is free of nuclear weapons. Furthermore, what strategy are now being devised to ensure the success of negotiation on both bilateral and more importantly multilateral fronts, provided that attempts to any reduction—particularly as dramatic and steep as it was contained in recent Obamas initiative—will encounter serious hurdles and challenges. It therefore surely remains to be seen whether this bilateral negotiation is driven by President Obamas long-term vision to totally get rid of these weapons of mass-destruction or by other ulterior motives. As mandated by Article VI of the NPT, negotiations on nuclear disarmament should be conducted multilaterally. Besides, if nuclear weapons were fought the whole world would suffer. It is therefore unfair to sideline the non-nuclear-weapons possessing states in the negotiation. The study therefore discusses the dynamics of nuclear disarmament proliferation treaty, by analyzing the policy of the U.S.—as one of the major nuclear weapon states (NWS)—on nuclear proliferation, and its interaction towards other nuclear states. It tries to answer one key question: ‘Why are the nuclear-weapons-possessing states, as parties to the NPT, so reluctant to negotiate a comprehensive nuclear weapons disarmament treaty under strict and effective international control? As the study carries the task to provide a clear understanding on the hesitation of nuclear weapon states in negotiating a comprehensive disarmament, it is therefore considered important for us to look at the theoretical as well as policy contexts. Hence, discussion presented in the study is threefold, namely: (1) the conceptual framework and theoretical foundations; (2) policy development surrounding nuclear disarmament; and; (3) the recent dynamics of NPT in conjunction with the attitude of the U.S. as one of the major nuclear weapons states. II. Conceptual Framework and Theoretical Foundations: Imagining Security, Survival and National Interests This study argues that the nuclear weapons states are so reluctant to negotiate the treaty for they firmly believed that their security and indeed existence (survival) critically hinges upon these weapons of mass-destruction, retaining and perfecting them thereby are mandatory. That above argument also underpins the departing point of our journey to understand the extent to which sense of insecurity and need for survival reinforce nuclear weapons states reluctance to conduct nuclear disarmament negotiations. The concepts of security and survival are essentially parts of the national interests of any state, including the nuclear weapon states. The two key concepts along with its national interest maximization are also core concepts of realism in the study of international relations. Under the logic and circumstances of anarchy, states are assumed to always rely on its own capability for survival. It is therefore a self-help system of international relations within which states and nations are living. Furthermore, a state, especially the smaller or less-powerful one, does have limited options or strategies for its survival. In a rather simplistic illustration, states can either compete or cooperate in advancing its respective national interests. Henceforth, to the realists, state of anarchy makes it more difficult for any state to cooperate with one another. In pursuing this, states often find themselves at odd to build alliance(s) with other states, yet, without any solid assurances concerning full commitments of each member of these cooperative and/or non-cooperative situations. There are a number of theories to explain that, widely stemming from the sense of insecurity to creating absolute gains (neo-liberal tradition) to building a complex of security identity (as proposed by a more recent constructivist tradition of international relations). Robert Jervis (1978) posed a valid question of why states would cooperate, provided that anarchy and the security dilemma make cooperation seemingly impossible. In other words, presumably, there must be some mechanisms which would allow states to bind themselves (and other members of the alliance) not to defect, or a mechanism by which to detect defection at the earliest possible stage, which enable an appropriate early response.[6] In so doing, states often find themselves under a dilemma—security dilemma. Despite of the many definitions and understanding on what constitute security dilemma, the essence of the dilemma is that â€Å"security seeking states more often than not get too much and too little, by assuming military posture that resembles that of an aggressor, which in turn causes states to assume the worst, and these attempts to increase security are consequently self-defeating.†[7] The more a state increases its security, the more it is likely for other state(s) to become insecure. In order to understand the situation under which security policies and strategies are formulated and thus executed, Jervis examines the conflicting situations by providing two basic models for situations of tension and conflict, based on the intentions of the adversary: spiral and deterrence. In the spiral model, intentions of both actors are objectively benign, whereas in the deterrence model, intentions of the adversary are malign.[8] Furthermore, in his deterrence model, Jervis (1976) ‘introduces a concept of malign power-seeking adversary, whereby actors in this situation are pursuing incompatible goals thus, making the strategy of deterrence the best possible option. In contrast, in the spiral model—often referred to as the true or ‘purest security dilemma situation, both actors are security-seekers, thus their interests are compatible.'[9] Yet, as analyzed by Andrej Nosko (2005), ‘the problem remains the inability of actors to distinguish which game they are playing, and what are the intentions of their adversaries.'[10] Although, according to Jervis it may not be possible to overcome the dilemma completely, it still may be possible to ‘break out of the security dilemma.'[11] He therefore suggests two major solutions to overcome the situation: Firstly, ‘to check the cognitive processes, when the adversarys intention is being perceived, so that the adversary is understood correctly. His second suggestion is ‘to employ specific military posture consisting of procurement of weapons that are useful for deterrence without simultaneously being as effective for aggression.'[12] Those practical suggestions form a powerful tool of analysis in what is referred to as ‘offense-defense balance variables, which are significant extension to the security dilemma further expanded by Jervis (and also by Glaser and Kaufmann, among others), as shown in the matrix below.[13] Source: , Strategy, Security Dilemma, and the Offense-Defense Balance, lecture material, accessed from http://ocw.tufts.edu/data/58/726832.pdf. In regard with the logic of nuclear weapons capability, it surely remain unclear whether or not the nuclear warheads installed in various Inter-Continental or Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs/SLBMs) constitute offensive or defensive, since the defense against ICBMs is ICBMs (deterrence) and SLBMs, on the other hand, are less accurate hence defensive. Therefore, security dilemma can be removed accordingly through the significant reduction of the number of nuclear warheads. As actors are striving to attain security while they are driven to acquire more and more power in order to escape the impact of the power of others, thus the intentions and motives of the actors are important primarily for any realists. In the U.S. case, while intentions for major reduction in its nuclear capability seemed to be imminent, yet, one looming question is whether other ‘adversarial nuclear weapons states such as North Korea would immediately follow the suit to reduce or eliminate its nuclear capabilities. Critics and pessimists were quick to answer that such a possibility for others to bandwagon and support the U.S. initiatives are too far-fetched, for a number of reasons such as the national aspiration to obtain nuclear capabilities, sense of insecurity, and the need to â€Å"hedge† its national security from possible nuclear outbreak in the future as part and parcel of their national threat perception. At this point, it is important to add other major concepts in the study of security from the lenses of (neo-)realism, as presented by Waltz (in his systemic self-help and survival theories) or Buzan in his concepts of threats and vulnerability. The links of these various concepts are quite clear: within a convoluted and uncertain international environment, it is postulated that ‘the mere uncertainty of international life creates a threatening environment for a state.'[14] While threats are normally coming from outside the country, vulnerabilities are, on the other, internal in nature, which demonstrate a ‘deficiency in the capability of a state to manage its security affairs.'[15] As argued further by Buzan, vulnerability can be reduced primarily by increasing self-reliance, or by countervailing forces to deal with specific threats.[16] Hypothetically speaking, obtaining or maintaining the level of nuclear warheads to hedge its security interests vis-a-vis other states is a ‘double-edged sword that can be used to minimize both threats and reduce vulnerability at the same time. The theoretical approach of this study suggests that there is a strong interlink between domestic/national considerations (i.e. political alignments in domestic politics and other domestic factors) on what constitute national vulnerability (which may derived from different sources of insecurity, widely stemming from economic, political, as well as the level of military capability relative to others, and vice versa) and threatening international system and environment (including not only the emerging and continued threats from its adversaries, but also the uncertainty of international regimes). This, for instance, has been quite evident in the case of Post-9/11 U.S. security policy in which strong bipartisanship on the Hill on what constitute major threat to security and how it should be overcome was built. Arguably, political dynamics will always affect a decision made by the Executive, and even more so in the national security domain. And a policy maker would eventually take all the se into his or her consideration. Presumably, President Obamas decision on the steep reduction—even elimination of nuclear warheads—was the result of these various considerations e.g. shared concerns amongst the elites over the possible illegal and illicit spread of nuclear warheads. III. Relative Peace amidst Constant Threats of Nuclear Annihilation: Deterrence, Negotiations, and Idiosyncrasy Indeed, in reality, questions and discourses surrounding nuclear weapons and its delivery systems remain as elusive and fascinating as ever, both in its theoretical and practical terms. One of the difficult puzzles that the epistemic community of international relations and strategic studies has been trying to understand and explain is the fact that despite its imminent threats of destruction within the context of intense Cold War, no single nuclear weapon has been used since Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. While this is surely a surprising, yet, welcomed situation, especially amongst non-nuclear weapons states, yet, it does not mean that the world is totally free from the fear and threats of global destruction caused by nuclear war. Arguably, this relative peaceful situation can be understood at least through three different prisms: first, the role of deterrence; second, diplomatic measures and negotiations; and, third, idiosyncrasy. Deterrence. In essence, a number of scholars and practitioners are convinced that nuclear capability has been playing an important role in deterring (external) threats.[17] Furthermore, nuclear deterrence provides strategic blanket in three specific terms: first, protection against attacks with nuclear weapons; second, protection against attacks with conventional forces; and, third, indefinable additional diplomatic clout.[18] Theoretically, some analysts of international relations and strategic studies believe that the relative peace is attainable mostly through effective deterrence, coercion, and all its derivative concepts such as Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) and Balance of Terror.[19] In his robust argument, Robert Jervis (1989) reiterated ‘the significance of the theory of the nuclear revolution: in a world of mutual second-strike nuclear capability (where an adversarys first strike cannot prevent a states retaliation), military victory in a total war is impossible.'[20] The handling of strategic nuclear weapons policy is also not without any idealistic consideration. In the hands of policy handlers, apart from the need to deter, another major consideration surrounding strategic nuclear policy is the moral and ethical dilemma that entail. For the US as a major nuclear weapons state, for instance, the dilemma is aptly captured by Robert E. Osgood (1988), who clearly stated the following: In the period since World War II, the United States has encountered moral and strategic issues concerning the management of force in peacetime that are unique in its historical experience and novel in the history of international politics. At the core of these issues lies a dilemma—namely, the moral (as well as ethical) and strategic predicament of being unable to pursue one course of action without incurring the disadvantage of another. It arises from the dependence of military security on nuclear weapons. This nuclear dilemma lurks in the background of every major military strategic choice and suffuses all major strategic debates. The history of US strategic thought can be largely be comprehended as the story of how Americans have tried to cope with this dilemma by rejecting, abolishing, or mitigating it.[21] Furthermore, he continued by defining precisely the dilemma the US (as arguably other nuclear weapons states) is facing in regard with its nuclear arsenal depository, as follows: The nuclear dilemma is simply an expression of the momentous fact that the security and peace of the United States and its major allies depend heavily on the deterrent effect of nuclear weapons, and on the fact that this deterrent, if used, would very probably lead to self-defeating destruction and, possibly, an ecological catastrophe for much of civilization.[22] In his critical analysis, Wilson (2008) however seriously questioned the role of deterrence in preventing the outbreak of nuclear war. His arguments rest on the assumption that the policy makers have so far misunderstood the true concept of deterrence. He maintained that that the logics of nuclear deterrence, as widely perceived by the policy-makers, were unwarranted simply because they either built on a fallacy of assumptions or were based on disproven facts.[23] Countering Kissingers arguments that nuclear attacks would likely to happen on major populous cities, as happened on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, Wilson asserted that there has been no single solid evidence on the intention of the former USSR to attack U.S. major cities even at the height of nuclear tension during the Cold War. As he argued further, An examination of the practical record of nuclear deterrence shows doubtful successes and proven failures. If the conventional wisdom is wrong—if nuclear weapons might not deter nuclear attacks, do not deter conventional attacks, and do not reliably provide diplomatic leverage—then the case for disarmament, nonproliferation and banning nuclear weapons is immeasurably strengthened.[24] In the post 9/11 tragedy, the nature and logic of asymmetric wars has added more complexity to the already difficult policy options.[25] Fear from the possibility of illicit transfer and/or nuclear acquisitions by the so-called ‘terrorist groups, it is very clear that the US and its allies have been undertaking all possible diplomatic initiatives and even military actions to deny these groups access to any nuclear materials.[26] Negotiations and Diplomatic Measure. It is also worth to mention the role of diplomacy and diplomatic efforts in ensuring countries do not resort to their nuclear arsenal to settle whatever disputes they may have with one another. In this regard, the role of negotiators in ensuring the commitments and compliance of all states—both nuclear and non-nuclear ones—to international code of conducts and norms of non-proliferation is also significant. To date, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) remains at the very helm of global endeavor to keep the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, and at the same time, restraining states from diverting its peaceful nuclear program towards provocative and militaristic uses. Corollary to this is the most authoritative nuclear weapons non-proliferation regime—the NPT- which was concluded in 1968 and has entered into force since 5 March 1974. Consisting of a Preamble and 11 articles,[27] more often than not that the treaty is widely interpreted as â€Å"a three pillar system†, namely: non-proliferation; disarmament ; and the right to peacefully use nuclear technology. [28] In operation, a safeguards system to verify compliance with the NPT is established under the auspices of the IAEA one of which is conducted through site inspections. As outlined in the Treaty, NPT seeks to promote cooperation in the field of peaceful nuclear technology, including the use of nuclear energy and equal access to this technology for all States parties, and provide safeguards that prevent the diversion of fissile material for the development of nuclear weapons.[29] Idiosyncrasy. In contrast with the above analysis on the role of deterrence and diplomatic measures, a more recent study by Nina Tannenwald (2007) revealed a striking fact concerning the idiosyncratic factor of U.S. leaders regarding the use of nuclear weapons. Drawing on newly released archival sources, Tannenwald was able to dispute the widely accepted theory of deterrence as primary inhibitor to an open and global-scale nuclear war. Instead, she was in favor of what she calls a nuclear taboo, a widespread inhibition on using nuclear arsenals—which has arguably arisen in global politics. By analyzing four critical instances of wars where U.S. leaders considered using nuclear weapons (namely Japan 1945, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and the Gulf War 1991), Tannenwald produced a rich and convincing explanation on how the nuclear taboo has successfully helped prevent the U.S. and other world leaders from resorting to these ultimate weapons of mass-destruction. [30] In other words, Tannenwald believed that there has been some moral ingredient within the policy makers in regard with the use of nuclear weapons. Furthermore, from the leadership perspective and beliefs, Jacques E.C. Hymans (2006) convincingly demonstrates that leaders do play significant role in achieving nuclear capabilities.[31] Based on his findings on contending interests of leaders in the attainment of nuclear capabilities, he suggests three possible responses: first, a stricter international non-proliferation regime—controlling supply-demand side; second, nuclear abolition, in which the nuclear weapons states make much ‘more serious efforts towards disarmament and ‘resist the temptation to threaten nuclear attacks against non-nuclear weapons states, as they promised to do in Article VI and again at the NPT Review Conference in 2000; and, third, preventive military action/intervention against regimes whose leaders harbor nuclear weapons ambitions.[32] Apparently, those three responses are in combination taking place in todays world politics and international security. Despite their differences in mode of operation, all three prescriptions above do tell us common assumption that: nuclear weapons are highly attractive to many states; that nuclear weapons tend to proliferate. As argued by Hymans, ‘the ultimate solution to the proliferation puzzle lies in some sort of fundamental change to the international system, be it sovereignty-crashing inspections, universal disarmament, or a wholesale revision on the laws of war.'[33]This entails the need to change the way international law operates, which so far is seen as rather ineffective to ensure compliance. As radical it may sound, yet, it is surely rather difficult to be implemented on the ground. IV. Recent Major Development: A Fresher Outlook of Multilateral Negotiation? As one of the key nuclear weapons states, The U.S. has sheer diplomatic and military clout over the future of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons at the global scale. In this regard, it is important to note that any debate concerning the future of the U.S. nuclear arsenal is strategically important and critical. This has been truer especially since the new Obama Administration has expressed its commitments to pursue a deep and steep cut in its nuclear force, and to launch a major review of U.S. nuclear policy, which will hopefully be submitted to the Congress in February 2010. With its 2,200 operational strategic warheads (while the overall U.S. force to date is merely a fraction of one-fourth of its size a decade ago), yet, it is more capable to destroy an adversarys nuclear weapons before they can be used. In the realm of nuclear disarmament negotiations, the weight the U.S. diplomacy can throw to the success or failure of the negotiations is also visible. This was clearly shown, for instance, in President Obamas success to round commitments from the P-5 countries during last UNSC Summit on NPT on 24 September 2009, which unanimously adopted UNSC Resolution 1887 (2009). Resolution 1887 itself spells out, inter-alia, the â€Å"calls upon States Parties to the NPT to comply fully with all their obligations and fulfil their commitments under the Treaty† as well as refrain themselves from nuclear test explosion and sign the CTBT, and also exercise stricter measures to sensitive materials†[34]—as means to avoid nuclear warheads from falling into the terrorist group. The expected band-wagonning effect of the U.S. commitments, especially on the part of non-nuclear weapons states that are parties to NPT, will be prominent, thus, making the study of the Obama Administrations nuclear policy becomes more critical in our attempts to understand the dynamics of nuclear disarmament multilateral negotiations. But, what is the real impact of President Obamas initiatives on the future nuclear disarmament multilateral negotiations? To begin with, the U.S.—like any other country, has its own strategic sense of security—and even vulnerability, as reflected in the contours of its proliferation policies of the past decade or so. Sense of Insecurity. The threat of terrorism is one that is getting more prominence since 9/11. But deep beneath its psyche, the U.S. Government(s) continue to assert the US nuclear strategy does not hinge any longer on being able to deter a single, comparably powerful, nuclear rival. It goes even further beyond that. For instance, the Bush administrations 2002 National Security Strategy embraced ‘pre-emptive attacks, against certain potential adversaries, rather than a strategy of deterrence, under the assumption that terrorist groups and even certain ‘rogue states cannot be deterred.'[35] Furthermore, the same Administration stated in its 2006 National Security Strategy that despite its recognition to address the issues of proliferation through diplomacy and in concert with its allies and partners, the ‘the place of pre-emption in our national security strategy remains the same.'[36] Departing from his predecessors position, in his illuminating speech in Prague, President Obama introduced a (new) calculus of US nuclear strategy. He outlined the intention of the U.S. to, among others, ‘aggressively pursue U.S. ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), ‘seek a new treaty that verifiably ends the production of fissile materials intended for use in state nuclear weapons as means to cut off the building blocks needed for a bomb, and ‘strengthen the NPT as basis for cooperation.'[37] He further shared some initiatives for international cooperation. These include the efforts to strengthen the treaty and to need put resources and authority to strengthen international inspections, as well as the need to build a new framework for civil nuclear cooperation including an international fuel bank. He also called for â€Å"real and immediate consequences† for countries caught breaking the rules or trying to leave the treaty without cause—referring to the North Korea and Iran specifically.[38] President Obamas promise to fulfill his ‘world-that-is-free-from-nuclear-weapons vision indeed sparked optimism. Analyst like Tom Sauer (2009) even predicts that â€Å"the nuclear weapon states may opt sooner for nuclear elimination than generally expected, due to five factors: first, the danger of nuclear proliferation; second, the risk of nuclear terrorism; third, the nuclear taboo—as outlined earlier; fourth, the technological advancement of missile defense against nuclear arsenals, which reduced the ‘shock and awe capability of nuclear weapons; fifth, the increased importance of international laws.[39] While the optimism seems to be warranted, yet, it might be too little too soon for us to conclude that the age of nuclear proliferation is practically over. President Obamas promise will face a number of hurdles, from within and outside the U.S. Nuclear Rivalries. It will be immediately tested this year when the US and Russia resume haggling on an arms reduction pact and again meet at the crucial UN nuclear arms conference in May. Whether or not the American and Russian negotiators could agree on a successor pact to replace the 1991 Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START-1) to cut nuclear weapons would serve as the litmus test on the feasibility of President Obamas calls. START-1 was an initiative proposed by the late U.S. President Ronald Reagan in 1982, and completed under the administrations of U.S. President George H. W. Bush and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev in 1991. As stipulated by the treaty, each country could deploy no more than 6,000 nuclear warheads and 1,600 strategic delivery vehicles — the single largest bilateral reductions in history.†[40] The concerns—and indeed stakes are now getting much heightened particularly since both Washington and Moscow missed their deadline in December to agree to ‘a new arms control treaty, which would have cut the worlds two largest nuclear arsenals by up to a third, though they vowed to generally abide by the old one while continuing negotiations. The good news is that the overall outline of the new treaty is apparent. At a meeting in Moscow in July 2009, Presidents Obama and Dmitry Medvedev narrowed the range for a cap on warheads to between 1,500 and 1,675, down from about 2,200, which each side now has. They are also expected to lower the ceiling on delivery vehicles intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarine-based missiles and strategic bombers to below 800, from 1,600. [41] It is widely believed that ‘a successor to START-1 would help restore relations between Moscow and Washington, which recently sank to a post-Cold War low due to many political and diplomatic upheavals as shown in the rift between the two countries over problems in Chechnya, Russian attacks on Georgia in August 2008, and so forth. In that sense, the new treaty should become ‘another milestone in disarmament and non-proliferation, taking the interaction between the US and Russia to a higher level and reaffirming their common goal of promoting mutual as well as global security.'[42] While the US and Russia are now still grappling over a few key differences (e.g. verification procedures) in their respective position concerning the common policy of nuclear weapons/warheads reduction, there are no guarantees that talks would yield a provisional accord. More fundamentally, the problems between these two largest and most important nuclear weapon states are more deeply rooted. Some within the U.S. strategic elites, particularly from the â€Å"republican camp,† argued that U.S. policymakers need to critically examine Russias views on nuclear weapons and doctrine. While successive U.S. Administrations have announced that Russia is no longer the enemy, Russia still considers the United States its â€Å"principal adversary,† despite President Barack Obamas attempts to â€Å"reset† bilateral relations. U.S. national leadership and arms control negotiators need to understand Russias nuclear doctrine and negotiating style as they are, not as the U.S. wants them to be.[43] In addition, Russia is not the only nuclear rival that the U.S. is facing. In the longer term, China, as dubbed by many analysts and observers, is likely to pose serious â€Å"challenges† to the status of the U.S. as the worlds dominant hyper-power. The rise of China as prominent nuclear power would eventually Dynamics of Nuclear Disarmament Multilateral Negotiations Dynamics of Nuclear Disarmament Multilateral Negotiations I. Introduction In 1957, Henry Kissinger aptly wrote that ‘ever since the end of the Second World War brought us not the peace we sought so earnestly, but an uneasy armistice, we have responded by what can best be described as a flight into technology: by devising ever more fearful weapons. The more powerful the weapons, however, the greater become the reluctance to use them. [1] He referred to the nuclear weapons as a powerful device that deters superpowers from major conflicts. His vision proved to be true, albeit difficult process of negotiations on nuclear disarmament throughout the Cold War period and beyond. Henceforth, common reluctance to use these deadly arsenals does not necessarily stop powerful states from acquiring them up to a certain deterrent level. Instead, nuclear weapons are even proliferated and technically perfected, and this, in my view, is the most striking dilemma and serves as the paradox of nuclear weapons. The year 2010 will be a very critical year for multilateral negotiation and talks on nuclear arms control and nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), [2] since the future of NPT and the progress and implementation of each of its article will be assessed through its five-yearly Review mechanism.[3] In particular, what it makes more crucial and fascinating is the promise made by US President Barack Obama on potential reduction of nuclear weapons. In his policy statement delivered in Prague, April 5th, 2009, President Barack Obama has made it very clear that he envisioned ‘a world that is free from nuclear weapons.'[4] Five months later, pouring all influence, persuasion and personal charms, President Obama chaired a meeting of the UN Security Council, which unanimously supported his vision. President Obamas initiative and political will his administration is willing to invest to build a critical mass and new thrust needed to move the troubled NPT in the next Review Conference in 2010. Yet, one must be well aware that reviving the NPT requires more than just rhetoric. One of the main articles of NPT, Article VI, clearly stipulates that the nuclear weapons states parties to the Treaty are under obligation to negotiate in good faith a nuclear weapons disarmament treaty under strict and effective international control at the earliest possible date.[5] Unfortunately, the sole multilateral negotiating forum entrusted to negotiate nuclear disarmament treaty, the UN Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, has failed to start the negotiations ever since it managed to conclude painstakingly the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). At this point, one important question to ask is whether or not the international community should see President Obamas recent drive to revive the negotiation of the reduction of US Russia nuclear arsenals as an integral part of this long-term vision—a world that is free of nuclear weapons. Furthermore, what strategy are now being devised to ensure the success of negotiation on both bilateral and more importantly multilateral fronts, provided that attempts to any reduction—particularly as dramatic and steep as it was contained in recent Obamas initiative—will encounter serious hurdles and challenges. It therefore surely remains to be seen whether this bilateral negotiation is driven by President Obamas long-term vision to totally get rid of these weapons of mass-destruction or by other ulterior motives. As mandated by Article VI of the NPT, negotiations on nuclear disarmament should be conducted multilaterally. Besides, if nuclear weapons were fought the whole world would suffer. It is therefore unfair to sideline the non-nuclear-weapons possessing states in the negotiation. The study therefore discusses the dynamics of nuclear disarmament proliferation treaty, by analyzing the policy of the U.S.—as one of the major nuclear weapon states (NWS)—on nuclear proliferation, and its interaction towards other nuclear states. It tries to answer one key question: ‘Why are the nuclear-weapons-possessing states, as parties to the NPT, so reluctant to negotiate a comprehensive nuclear weapons disarmament treaty under strict and effective international control? As the study carries the task to provide a clear understanding on the hesitation of nuclear weapon states in negotiating a comprehensive disarmament, it is therefore considered important for us to look at the theoretical as well as policy contexts. Hence, discussion presented in the study is threefold, namely: (1) the conceptual framework and theoretical foundations; (2) policy development surrounding nuclear disarmament; and; (3) the recent dynamics of NPT in conjunction with the attitude of the U.S. as one of the major nuclear weapons states. II. Conceptual Framework and Theoretical Foundations: Imagining Security, Survival and National Interests This study argues that the nuclear weapons states are so reluctant to negotiate the treaty for they firmly believed that their security and indeed existence (survival) critically hinges upon these weapons of mass-destruction, retaining and perfecting them thereby are mandatory. That above argument also underpins the departing point of our journey to understand the extent to which sense of insecurity and need for survival reinforce nuclear weapons states reluctance to conduct nuclear disarmament negotiations. The concepts of security and survival are essentially parts of the national interests of any state, including the nuclear weapon states. The two key concepts along with its national interest maximization are also core concepts of realism in the study of international relations. Under the logic and circumstances of anarchy, states are assumed to always rely on its own capability for survival. It is therefore a self-help system of international relations within which states and nations are living. Furthermore, a state, especially the smaller or less-powerful one, does have limited options or strategies for its survival. In a rather simplistic illustration, states can either compete or cooperate in advancing its respective national interests. Henceforth, to the realists, state of anarchy makes it more difficult for any state to cooperate with one another. In pursuing this, states often find themselves at odd to build alliance(s) with other states, yet, without any solid assurances concerning full commitments of each member of these cooperative and/or non-cooperative situations. There are a number of theories to explain that, widely stemming from the sense of insecurity to creating absolute gains (neo-liberal tradition) to building a complex of security identity (as proposed by a more recent constructivist tradition of international relations). Robert Jervis (1978) posed a valid question of why states would cooperate, provided that anarchy and the security dilemma make cooperation seemingly impossible. In other words, presumably, there must be some mechanisms which would allow states to bind themselves (and other members of the alliance) not to defect, or a mechanism by which to detect defection at the earliest possible stage, which enable an appropriate early response.[6] In so doing, states often find themselves under a dilemma—security dilemma. Despite of the many definitions and understanding on what constitute security dilemma, the essence of the dilemma is that â€Å"security seeking states more often than not get too much and too little, by assuming military posture that resembles that of an aggressor, which in turn causes states to assume the worst, and these attempts to increase security are consequently self-defeating.†[7] The more a state increases its security, the more it is likely for other state(s) to become insecure. In order to understand the situation under which security policies and strategies are formulated and thus executed, Jervis examines the conflicting situations by providing two basic models for situations of tension and conflict, based on the intentions of the adversary: spiral and deterrence. In the spiral model, intentions of both actors are objectively benign, whereas in the deterrence model, intentions of the adversary are malign.[8] Furthermore, in his deterrence model, Jervis (1976) ‘introduces a concept of malign power-seeking adversary, whereby actors in this situation are pursuing incompatible goals thus, making the strategy of deterrence the best possible option. In contrast, in the spiral model—often referred to as the true or ‘purest security dilemma situation, both actors are security-seekers, thus their interests are compatible.'[9] Yet, as analyzed by Andrej Nosko (2005), ‘the problem remains the inability of actors to distinguish which game they are playing, and what are the intentions of their adversaries.'[10] Although, according to Jervis it may not be possible to overcome the dilemma completely, it still may be possible to ‘break out of the security dilemma.'[11] He therefore suggests two major solutions to overcome the situation: Firstly, ‘to check the cognitive processes, when the adversarys intention is being perceived, so that the adversary is understood correctly. His second suggestion is ‘to employ specific military posture consisting of procurement of weapons that are useful for deterrence without simultaneously being as effective for aggression.'[12] Those practical suggestions form a powerful tool of analysis in what is referred to as ‘offense-defense balance variables, which are significant extension to the security dilemma further expanded by Jervis (and also by Glaser and Kaufmann, among others), as shown in the matrix below.[13] Source: , Strategy, Security Dilemma, and the Offense-Defense Balance, lecture material, accessed from http://ocw.tufts.edu/data/58/726832.pdf. In regard with the logic of nuclear weapons capability, it surely remain unclear whether or not the nuclear warheads installed in various Inter-Continental or Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs/SLBMs) constitute offensive or defensive, since the defense against ICBMs is ICBMs (deterrence) and SLBMs, on the other hand, are less accurate hence defensive. Therefore, security dilemma can be removed accordingly through the significant reduction of the number of nuclear warheads. As actors are striving to attain security while they are driven to acquire more and more power in order to escape the impact of the power of others, thus the intentions and motives of the actors are important primarily for any realists. In the U.S. case, while intentions for major reduction in its nuclear capability seemed to be imminent, yet, one looming question is whether other ‘adversarial nuclear weapons states such as North Korea would immediately follow the suit to reduce or eliminate its nuclear capabilities. Critics and pessimists were quick to answer that such a possibility for others to bandwagon and support the U.S. initiatives are too far-fetched, for a number of reasons such as the national aspiration to obtain nuclear capabilities, sense of insecurity, and the need to â€Å"hedge† its national security from possible nuclear outbreak in the future as part and parcel of their national threat perception. At this point, it is important to add other major concepts in the study of security from the lenses of (neo-)realism, as presented by Waltz (in his systemic self-help and survival theories) or Buzan in his concepts of threats and vulnerability. The links of these various concepts are quite clear: within a convoluted and uncertain international environment, it is postulated that ‘the mere uncertainty of international life creates a threatening environment for a state.'[14] While threats are normally coming from outside the country, vulnerabilities are, on the other, internal in nature, which demonstrate a ‘deficiency in the capability of a state to manage its security affairs.'[15] As argued further by Buzan, vulnerability can be reduced primarily by increasing self-reliance, or by countervailing forces to deal with specific threats.[16] Hypothetically speaking, obtaining or maintaining the level of nuclear warheads to hedge its security interests vis-a-vis other states is a ‘double-edged sword that can be used to minimize both threats and reduce vulnerability at the same time. The theoretical approach of this study suggests that there is a strong interlink between domestic/national considerations (i.e. political alignments in domestic politics and other domestic factors) on what constitute national vulnerability (which may derived from different sources of insecurity, widely stemming from economic, political, as well as the level of military capability relative to others, and vice versa) and threatening international system and environment (including not only the emerging and continued threats from its adversaries, but also the uncertainty of international regimes). This, for instance, has been quite evident in the case of Post-9/11 U.S. security policy in which strong bipartisanship on the Hill on what constitute major threat to security and how it should be overcome was built. Arguably, political dynamics will always affect a decision made by the Executive, and even more so in the national security domain. And a policy maker would eventually take all the se into his or her consideration. Presumably, President Obamas decision on the steep reduction—even elimination of nuclear warheads—was the result of these various considerations e.g. shared concerns amongst the elites over the possible illegal and illicit spread of nuclear warheads. III. Relative Peace amidst Constant Threats of Nuclear Annihilation: Deterrence, Negotiations, and Idiosyncrasy Indeed, in reality, questions and discourses surrounding nuclear weapons and its delivery systems remain as elusive and fascinating as ever, both in its theoretical and practical terms. One of the difficult puzzles that the epistemic community of international relations and strategic studies has been trying to understand and explain is the fact that despite its imminent threats of destruction within the context of intense Cold War, no single nuclear weapon has been used since Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. While this is surely a surprising, yet, welcomed situation, especially amongst non-nuclear weapons states, yet, it does not mean that the world is totally free from the fear and threats of global destruction caused by nuclear war. Arguably, this relative peaceful situation can be understood at least through three different prisms: first, the role of deterrence; second, diplomatic measures and negotiations; and, third, idiosyncrasy. Deterrence. In essence, a number of scholars and practitioners are convinced that nuclear capability has been playing an important role in deterring (external) threats.[17] Furthermore, nuclear deterrence provides strategic blanket in three specific terms: first, protection against attacks with nuclear weapons; second, protection against attacks with conventional forces; and, third, indefinable additional diplomatic clout.[18] Theoretically, some analysts of international relations and strategic studies believe that the relative peace is attainable mostly through effective deterrence, coercion, and all its derivative concepts such as Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) and Balance of Terror.[19] In his robust argument, Robert Jervis (1989) reiterated ‘the significance of the theory of the nuclear revolution: in a world of mutual second-strike nuclear capability (where an adversarys first strike cannot prevent a states retaliation), military victory in a total war is impossible.'[20] The handling of strategic nuclear weapons policy is also not without any idealistic consideration. In the hands of policy handlers, apart from the need to deter, another major consideration surrounding strategic nuclear policy is the moral and ethical dilemma that entail. For the US as a major nuclear weapons state, for instance, the dilemma is aptly captured by Robert E. Osgood (1988), who clearly stated the following: In the period since World War II, the United States has encountered moral and strategic issues concerning the management of force in peacetime that are unique in its historical experience and novel in the history of international politics. At the core of these issues lies a dilemma—namely, the moral (as well as ethical) and strategic predicament of being unable to pursue one course of action without incurring the disadvantage of another. It arises from the dependence of military security on nuclear weapons. This nuclear dilemma lurks in the background of every major military strategic choice and suffuses all major strategic debates. The history of US strategic thought can be largely be comprehended as the story of how Americans have tried to cope with this dilemma by rejecting, abolishing, or mitigating it.[21] Furthermore, he continued by defining precisely the dilemma the US (as arguably other nuclear weapons states) is facing in regard with its nuclear arsenal depository, as follows: The nuclear dilemma is simply an expression of the momentous fact that the security and peace of the United States and its major allies depend heavily on the deterrent effect of nuclear weapons, and on the fact that this deterrent, if used, would very probably lead to self-defeating destruction and, possibly, an ecological catastrophe for much of civilization.[22] In his critical analysis, Wilson (2008) however seriously questioned the role of deterrence in preventing the outbreak of nuclear war. His arguments rest on the assumption that the policy makers have so far misunderstood the true concept of deterrence. He maintained that that the logics of nuclear deterrence, as widely perceived by the policy-makers, were unwarranted simply because they either built on a fallacy of assumptions or were based on disproven facts.[23] Countering Kissingers arguments that nuclear attacks would likely to happen on major populous cities, as happened on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, Wilson asserted that there has been no single solid evidence on the intention of the former USSR to attack U.S. major cities even at the height of nuclear tension during the Cold War. As he argued further, An examination of the practical record of nuclear deterrence shows doubtful successes and proven failures. If the conventional wisdom is wrong—if nuclear weapons might not deter nuclear attacks, do not deter conventional attacks, and do not reliably provide diplomatic leverage—then the case for disarmament, nonproliferation and banning nuclear weapons is immeasurably strengthened.[24] In the post 9/11 tragedy, the nature and logic of asymmetric wars has added more complexity to the already difficult policy options.[25] Fear from the possibility of illicit transfer and/or nuclear acquisitions by the so-called ‘terrorist groups, it is very clear that the US and its allies have been undertaking all possible diplomatic initiatives and even military actions to deny these groups access to any nuclear materials.[26] Negotiations and Diplomatic Measure. It is also worth to mention the role of diplomacy and diplomatic efforts in ensuring countries do not resort to their nuclear arsenal to settle whatever disputes they may have with one another. In this regard, the role of negotiators in ensuring the commitments and compliance of all states—both nuclear and non-nuclear ones—to international code of conducts and norms of non-proliferation is also significant. To date, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) remains at the very helm of global endeavor to keep the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, and at the same time, restraining states from diverting its peaceful nuclear program towards provocative and militaristic uses. Corollary to this is the most authoritative nuclear weapons non-proliferation regime—the NPT- which was concluded in 1968 and has entered into force since 5 March 1974. Consisting of a Preamble and 11 articles,[27] more often than not that the treaty is widely interpreted as â€Å"a three pillar system†, namely: non-proliferation; disarmament ; and the right to peacefully use nuclear technology. [28] In operation, a safeguards system to verify compliance with the NPT is established under the auspices of the IAEA one of which is conducted through site inspections. As outlined in the Treaty, NPT seeks to promote cooperation in the field of peaceful nuclear technology, including the use of nuclear energy and equal access to this technology for all States parties, and provide safeguards that prevent the diversion of fissile material for the development of nuclear weapons.[29] Idiosyncrasy. In contrast with the above analysis on the role of deterrence and diplomatic measures, a more recent study by Nina Tannenwald (2007) revealed a striking fact concerning the idiosyncratic factor of U.S. leaders regarding the use of nuclear weapons. Drawing on newly released archival sources, Tannenwald was able to dispute the widely accepted theory of deterrence as primary inhibitor to an open and global-scale nuclear war. Instead, she was in favor of what she calls a nuclear taboo, a widespread inhibition on using nuclear arsenals—which has arguably arisen in global politics. By analyzing four critical instances of wars where U.S. leaders considered using nuclear weapons (namely Japan 1945, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and the Gulf War 1991), Tannenwald produced a rich and convincing explanation on how the nuclear taboo has successfully helped prevent the U.S. and other world leaders from resorting to these ultimate weapons of mass-destruction. [30] In other words, Tannenwald believed that there has been some moral ingredient within the policy makers in regard with the use of nuclear weapons. Furthermore, from the leadership perspective and beliefs, Jacques E.C. Hymans (2006) convincingly demonstrates that leaders do play significant role in achieving nuclear capabilities.[31] Based on his findings on contending interests of leaders in the attainment of nuclear capabilities, he suggests three possible responses: first, a stricter international non-proliferation regime—controlling supply-demand side; second, nuclear abolition, in which the nuclear weapons states make much ‘more serious efforts towards disarmament and ‘resist the temptation to threaten nuclear attacks against non-nuclear weapons states, as they promised to do in Article VI and again at the NPT Review Conference in 2000; and, third, preventive military action/intervention against regimes whose leaders harbor nuclear weapons ambitions.[32] Apparently, those three responses are in combination taking place in todays world politics and international security. Despite their differences in mode of operation, all three prescriptions above do tell us common assumption that: nuclear weapons are highly attractive to many states; that nuclear weapons tend to proliferate. As argued by Hymans, ‘the ultimate solution to the proliferation puzzle lies in some sort of fundamental change to the international system, be it sovereignty-crashing inspections, universal disarmament, or a wholesale revision on the laws of war.'[33]This entails the need to change the way international law operates, which so far is seen as rather ineffective to ensure compliance. As radical it may sound, yet, it is surely rather difficult to be implemented on the ground. IV. Recent Major Development: A Fresher Outlook of Multilateral Negotiation? As one of the key nuclear weapons states, The U.S. has sheer diplomatic and military clout over the future of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons at the global scale. In this regard, it is important to note that any debate concerning the future of the U.S. nuclear arsenal is strategically important and critical. This has been truer especially since the new Obama Administration has expressed its commitments to pursue a deep and steep cut in its nuclear force, and to launch a major review of U.S. nuclear policy, which will hopefully be submitted to the Congress in February 2010. With its 2,200 operational strategic warheads (while the overall U.S. force to date is merely a fraction of one-fourth of its size a decade ago), yet, it is more capable to destroy an adversarys nuclear weapons before they can be used. In the realm of nuclear disarmament negotiations, the weight the U.S. diplomacy can throw to the success or failure of the negotiations is also visible. This was clearly shown, for instance, in President Obamas success to round commitments from the P-5 countries during last UNSC Summit on NPT on 24 September 2009, which unanimously adopted UNSC Resolution 1887 (2009). Resolution 1887 itself spells out, inter-alia, the â€Å"calls upon States Parties to the NPT to comply fully with all their obligations and fulfil their commitments under the Treaty† as well as refrain themselves from nuclear test explosion and sign the CTBT, and also exercise stricter measures to sensitive materials†[34]—as means to avoid nuclear warheads from falling into the terrorist group. The expected band-wagonning effect of the U.S. commitments, especially on the part of non-nuclear weapons states that are parties to NPT, will be prominent, thus, making the study of the Obama Administrations nuclear policy becomes more critical in our attempts to understand the dynamics of nuclear disarmament multilateral negotiations. But, what is the real impact of President Obamas initiatives on the future nuclear disarmament multilateral negotiations? To begin with, the U.S.—like any other country, has its own strategic sense of security—and even vulnerability, as reflected in the contours of its proliferation policies of the past decade or so. Sense of Insecurity. The threat of terrorism is one that is getting more prominence since 9/11. But deep beneath its psyche, the U.S. Government(s) continue to assert the US nuclear strategy does not hinge any longer on being able to deter a single, comparably powerful, nuclear rival. It goes even further beyond that. For instance, the Bush administrations 2002 National Security Strategy embraced ‘pre-emptive attacks, against certain potential adversaries, rather than a strategy of deterrence, under the assumption that terrorist groups and even certain ‘rogue states cannot be deterred.'[35] Furthermore, the same Administration stated in its 2006 National Security Strategy that despite its recognition to address the issues of proliferation through diplomacy and in concert with its allies and partners, the ‘the place of pre-emption in our national security strategy remains the same.'[36] Departing from his predecessors position, in his illuminating speech in Prague, President Obama introduced a (new) calculus of US nuclear strategy. He outlined the intention of the U.S. to, among others, ‘aggressively pursue U.S. ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), ‘seek a new treaty that verifiably ends the production of fissile materials intended for use in state nuclear weapons as means to cut off the building blocks needed for a bomb, and ‘strengthen the NPT as basis for cooperation.'[37] He further shared some initiatives for international cooperation. These include the efforts to strengthen the treaty and to need put resources and authority to strengthen international inspections, as well as the need to build a new framework for civil nuclear cooperation including an international fuel bank. He also called for â€Å"real and immediate consequences† for countries caught breaking the rules or trying to leave the treaty without cause—referring to the North Korea and Iran specifically.[38] President Obamas promise to fulfill his ‘world-that-is-free-from-nuclear-weapons vision indeed sparked optimism. Analyst like Tom Sauer (2009) even predicts that â€Å"the nuclear weapon states may opt sooner for nuclear elimination than generally expected, due to five factors: first, the danger of nuclear proliferation; second, the risk of nuclear terrorism; third, the nuclear taboo—as outlined earlier; fourth, the technological advancement of missile defense against nuclear arsenals, which reduced the ‘shock and awe capability of nuclear weapons; fifth, the increased importance of international laws.[39] While the optimism seems to be warranted, yet, it might be too little too soon for us to conclude that the age of nuclear proliferation is practically over. President Obamas promise will face a number of hurdles, from within and outside the U.S. Nuclear Rivalries. It will be immediately tested this year when the US and Russia resume haggling on an arms reduction pact and again meet at the crucial UN nuclear arms conference in May. Whether or not the American and Russian negotiators could agree on a successor pact to replace the 1991 Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START-1) to cut nuclear weapons would serve as the litmus test on the feasibility of President Obamas calls. START-1 was an initiative proposed by the late U.S. President Ronald Reagan in 1982, and completed under the administrations of U.S. President George H. W. Bush and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev in 1991. As stipulated by the treaty, each country could deploy no more than 6,000 nuclear warheads and 1,600 strategic delivery vehicles — the single largest bilateral reductions in history.†[40] The concerns—and indeed stakes are now getting much heightened particularly since both Washington and Moscow missed their deadline in December to agree to ‘a new arms control treaty, which would have cut the worlds two largest nuclear arsenals by up to a third, though they vowed to generally abide by the old one while continuing negotiations. The good news is that the overall outline of the new treaty is apparent. At a meeting in Moscow in July 2009, Presidents Obama and Dmitry Medvedev narrowed the range for a cap on warheads to between 1,500 and 1,675, down from about 2,200, which each side now has. They are also expected to lower the ceiling on delivery vehicles intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarine-based missiles and strategic bombers to below 800, from 1,600. [41] It is widely believed that ‘a successor to START-1 would help restore relations between Moscow and Washington, which recently sank to a post-Cold War low due to many political and diplomatic upheavals as shown in the rift between the two countries over problems in Chechnya, Russian attacks on Georgia in August 2008, and so forth. In that sense, the new treaty should become ‘another milestone in disarmament and non-proliferation, taking the interaction between the US and Russia to a higher level and reaffirming their common goal of promoting mutual as well as global security.'[42] While the US and Russia are now still grappling over a few key differences (e.g. verification procedures) in their respective position concerning the common policy of nuclear weapons/warheads reduction, there are no guarantees that talks would yield a provisional accord. More fundamentally, the problems between these two largest and most important nuclear weapon states are more deeply rooted. Some within the U.S. strategic elites, particularly from the â€Å"republican camp,† argued that U.S. policymakers need to critically examine Russias views on nuclear weapons and doctrine. While successive U.S. Administrations have announced that Russia is no longer the enemy, Russia still considers the United States its â€Å"principal adversary,† despite President Barack Obamas attempts to â€Å"reset† bilateral relations. U.S. national leadership and arms control negotiators need to understand Russias nuclear doctrine and negotiating style as they are, not as the U.S. wants them to be.[43] In addition, Russia is not the only nuclear rival that the U.S. is facing. In the longer term, China, as dubbed by many analysts and observers, is likely to pose serious â€Å"challenges† to the status of the U.S. as the worlds dominant hyper-power. The rise of China as prominent nuclear power would eventually